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Report 98-15




FEBRUARY 28, 1998
[Revised: January 5, 2005]


[The original, correctly formatted version exists at: EricKrauseReports/9815.doc ]









Anonymous, "MP Pushes For Restoration," Scotia Sun (June 25, 1986)


Brian, Campbell, Brian, "Laurence Kavanagh Of St. Peter's (A Lasting Place In The Annals Of Cape Breton History), Cape Breton Post, (October 05, 1985.)


John Caven, John, "Settlement at St. Peter's Harbour,"The Prince Edward Island Magazine, 3:08 (October 1901), pp. 275-279.


Eric Krause, "Port Toulouse," April 02, 1976, Historical Memoranda Series, Volume 01 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript, H F 25 1976 01, 1976).


Robert C. Morrison ,History of St. Peter's (Unpublished Mss., March 1975.)


Robert W. Passfield, "Historic Bridges on the Rideau Waterways System: A Preliminary Report; The St. Peter's Canal Swing Bridge; The Upper Dorchester Covered Bridge, Westmorland County, New Brunswick," 1976-1977, Manuscript Report Series #212 (Ottawa: National Historic Sites Service, 1976) ABSTRACT: (A) Early History of the Site: (I) Nicholas Denys ( II) Port Toulouse, (III) The Loyalist Settlers, (V) Fort Dorchester (B) The St. Peter's Canal (I)) St. Peter's in the Early 19th Century (II) The Construction of the Canal (III) St. Peter's Canal, 1869-1975 (C)Bridge Structures on St. Peter's Canal (I) The First Howe Truss Swing Bridge (c.1869) (II) The Second Howe Truss Swing Bridge (c. 1876) (III) The Pratt Truss Swing Bridge (1919) (IV) The Warren Truss Swing (1931) (V) Historic Significance of the Current Swing Bridge.


Bernard Pothier, "Les Acadiens à L'Ile Royale (1713 à 1734)", 3: 3 La société Historique Acadienne (April, May, June, 1969), p. 100.


Frederick J. Thorpe, The Politics of French Public Construction In The Islands Of The Gulf Of St. Lawrence, 1695-1758 (Ottawa: University of Ottawa, September 1973). ABSTRACT: (A) Glossary of Construction and Fortification Terms used in the Thesis (B) The Context (C) What was Built; Newfoundland; Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island), 1713-1719; Louisbourg, 1725-1737; Citadel Barracks; King's Bastion; Stores Building; Hospital; Royal Battery; Island Battery; Dauphin Demi-Bastion; Citadel; West Front; Roads; Careening Wharf; Lighthouse; Wharves; Engineer's Residence; Artillery Shed; Town Plan; Other Posts on Ile Royale and Ile Saint-Jean, 1725-1745; Port Toulouse; Port La Joie; Louisbourg, 1737-1745; The New Enceinte; West Front; East and West Fronts; East Front; West and East Front; Casemates Used as a Jail; Lighthouse; The Proposed Parish Church; Proposed New Barracks; Dike near the Southwest Arm; Royal Battery; Dauphine Gate; Harbour Facilities; The British Occupation, 1745-1749; Ile Royale and Ile Saint-Jean, 1749-1758; New England Barracks; The Enceinte; Exterior Work; Raymond's Redoubts; Pièce de la Grave; Brewery; Hospital; Policy; Outports; Fieldworks (D); Financial Policy (E); Management (F) Contracts and Contractors.




Halifax, Canadian Parks Service, Central Registry Files, Halifax, Canadian Parks Service, Central Registry, St. Peter's Area, Old Drawings and Legal Description(1)




AILLEBOUST, CHARLES-JOSEPH D', officer in the colonial regular troops, king's lieutenant; baptized 5 Dec. 1688 in Montreal, eldest son of Pierre d'Ailleboust d'Agrenteuil and Marie-Louise Denys de La Ronde; d. 13 Oct. 1761 in France .... He was transferred to île Royale (Cape Breton Island) in 1714, and he became a lieutenant there on 2 July 1720 and captain on 8 May 1730. During his early years of service on île Royale he became familiar with garrison routine, both at Port-Toulouse (St Peters) and Louisbourg.(2)


Compagnies Franches De La Marine: (vii) Compagnie De Duhaget: Lieutenant - PIERRE BENOIST (CA. 1695-1763): ca. 1695 - Born at Saint-Mddard De Verteuil, bishopric of Poitiers, a son of François Benoist and Marie-Anne Tibierge ..... 1720s - Married Anne Levron sometime before coming to Louisbourg or at Louisbourg before the fall of 1722, after which time there are extant parish records ..... 1742-1745 - Served as the officer commanding the detachment at Port Toulouse. Hence was not in Louisbourg in 1744. In 1745 Port Toulouse was attacked by a small force of New Englanders and Benoist and his men retreated to the interior. Towards the end of the siege they arrived at Louisbourg .....(3)

Compagnies Franches De La Marine - (vii) Compagnie De Duhaget: Lieutenant - PIERRE BENOIST (appointed 1738). In 1744 he was living in Port Toulouse where he commanded the detachment. In Louisbourg he owned a house on Lot C, Block 2. Pierre Benoist spent both 1744 and 1745 at Port Toulouse, presumably with his family .... As Benoist and his family seem to have been in Port Toulouse from 1742 to 1745 it is conceivable that the house on Block 2 was rented at least part of the time to some of those officers in the garrison for whom we have no indication as to where they were residing ....(4)


COUAGNE, JEAN-BAPTISTE DE, surveyor and military engineer in Canada and Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island); b. 1687 probably at Montreal, the son of Charles De Cougne (d. 1706) and Marie Godé (d. 1729); m. 28 Sept. 1720, at Louisbourg, Marguerite-Madeleine de Gannes de Falaise (d. 1733); father of Michel and Jean-François (the former an engineer at Louisbourg and in Canada); d. 22 Jan. 1740 at Louisbourg .... He continued to serve as a surveyor and map-maker in Canada until, in 1713, he was commissioned ensign and posted to Ile Royale to take part in the reconnaissance of the new colony there. From 1713 to 1716 he assisted Jacques L'Hermitte in surveying the island and earned commendation for his talent in design and for his stamina and diligence. In 1714 with Louis Denys de La Ronde and Jean-Baptiste Hertel de Rouville he conducted a small party of Acadians (who were considering an invitation to settle on Ile Royale instead of becoming British subjects) into the region of the La Brador (Brad d'Or), it emphasizes that south of it neither the timber nor the soil was of good quality, the only profitable resource being the cod fishery, which could be exploited through the use of the good natural harbours. Most of the Acadians had returned home, there to remain. In August 1715 Couagne helped to build a fort for those who had settled at Port Toulouse (St. Peters) ....(5)


DELORT (Delord, de Lord, de Lort), GUILLAUME, merchant, councillor of the Conseil Supérieur of Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island); b. at Auch, France, son of Jacques Delort and Suzanne Despenan; d. before August 1749, place unknown .... Many of those with whom he dealt were probably engaged in the commercial fishery since Delort was in the business of equipping and provisioning fishing ships. In 1738, for example, Gervais Brisset, a navigator of Port-Toulouse (St peters, N.S.), stated that he owed Delort 2,008 livres for supplying his ship the Saint-Jean-Baptiste ....(6)


... By 1720 [Jean de Meune dit] Beauregard was a fishing proprietor who employed 11 fishermen, owned four chaloupes, and had moved to Port Toulouse ... (7)


DUBOIS BERTHELOT DE BEAUCOURS, JOSUÉ (Jean-Maurice-Josué), naval officer and officer in the colonial regular troops, chief engineer of Canada, governor of Trois-Rivières and Montreal: b.c. 1662, probably in France, son of Jacques-Hyacinthe Dubois Berthelot and Péronelle de Magnan; d.9 May 1750 in Montreal ....On 10 March 1715 Beaucours was appointed engineer to the new French colony on Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island), with the title of second King's lieutenant ..... The following year Jean-François de Verville was named director of Ile Royale fortifications, and Beaucours was transferred from Port-Dauphin (Englishtown, N.S.), where he had originally been sent, to Port-Toulouse (St Peters) with instructions to build adequate defences and to encourage the Acadians to settle there ....(8)


ESPIET DE PENSENS, JACQUES D', esquire, officer of the colonial regular troops in Acadia, Placentia (Plaisance), and Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island), councillor of the Conseil Supérieur of Ile Royale, king's lieutenant and commandant of Ile Royale Saint-Jean (Prince Edward Island), knight of the order of Saint-Louis; native of Aignan, diocese of Auch; d. 1737 in France .... The garrison and settlers of Placentia prepared to move to Cape Breton Island where a new colony was to be founded. De Pensens, who had been promoted lieutenant in 1712, was among those officers who signed the act whereby the French took possession of the island. It was hoped that the Acadians would also move to Ile Royale. In the summer of 1714 de Pensens and Louis Denys de La Ronde were sent to Acadia to try and persuade the Acadians to relocate. De Pensens promised that all who did so would be granted a year's rations. However, this help was not forthcoming; also the English put obstacles in the Acadians' way, and there was no mass emigration. In 1715 de Pensens (who had been named a captain the preceding year) was made commandant at Port Toulouse (St Peters, N.S.), one of the three fortified areas on Ile Royale. The financial commissary, Pierre-Auguste de Soubras, emphasized to him the importance of trying to attract the Acadians to that area-one of the few regions suitable for agriculture. De Pensens spent the next ten years in garrison duty at either Louisbourg or Port Toulouse .... He supported the Acadians in their quest for land concessions and for aid from the crown in their first year on the island ....(9)


GANNES DE FALAISE, MICHEL DE, officer in the colonial regular troops; baptized 2 May 1702 at Port-Royal (Annapolis Royal, N.S.), son of Louis de Gannes* de Falaise and Marguerite Leneuf de La Vallière et de Beaubassin; d. 23 Oct. 1752 at Louisbourg, Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island) .... In 1726 he was posted to Port-Toulouse (St Peters, N.S.), and returned to Louisbourg shortly afterwards ....In 1744 the commandant of Ile Royale, Jean-Baptiste-Louis Le PRÉVOST Duquesnel, decided to retake Port-Royal, which had been captured by the English in 1710 and renamed Annapolis Royal. To this end he dispatched a detachment of soldiers under the command of Joseph DU PONT Duvivier .... On 2 October de Gannes relieved Duvivier. Two days later, when the ships still had not appeared, de Gannes decided to withdraw the troops ....On his way through Port Toulouse de Gannes learned that Claude-Élisabeth DENYS de Bonnaventure had left Louisbourg for Annapolis Royal ....(10)


GRILLOT DE POILLY, FRANÇOIS-CLAUDE-VICTOR, army officer, military engineer; b. 15 March 1726 at Fort Barraux, near Grenoble, France, son of Claude-Victor, also a military engineer; d. 24 Feb. 1761 at Göttingen, in the Electorate of hanover (Federal Republic of Germany) .... During February and March 1757, Poilly was sent on a survey of Ile Royale for the purpose of updating existing maps, suggesting road improvements, and proposing repairs to fortifications and public buildings .... The defences of Port-Toulouse (St Peters) and Port-Dauphin must be strengthened ....(11)


HERTEL DE ROUVILLE, JEAN-BAPTISTE, ensign, lieutenant, captain on Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island), commandant of Port-Dauphin (Englishtown, N.S.), knight of the order of Saint-Louis; b. 26 Oct. 1668 at Trois-Rivières, third son of François Hertel and Marguerite de Thavenet; buried 30 June 1722 on Ile Royale ....On 24 Feb. 1713 the minister of Marine instructed M. de Vaudreuil to select "40 or 50 of the best workers" in New France and to send them to Cape Breton Island to work on the fortifications there; in this activity they were to be under the command of the Sieur Hertel de Rouville. The latter went there with his family, which he housed at Port-Toulouse (St. Peters). He signed with the other officers the act authorizing the taking over of the island ..... Hertel de Rouville had been made a knight of the order of Saint-Louis on 23 Dec. 1721, a few months before his death. He had been married twice. On 23 Nov. 1698, at Trois-Rivères, he had married Jeanne Dubois, who died less than tow years later. On 6 Feb. 1708 he married Marie-Anne Baudouin, the eldest daughter of the Quebec doctor Gervais Baudouin*. The marriage contract, drawn up two days earlier by the notary GENAPLE, had been the occasion for an impressive ceremony in the residence of the intendants, JACQUES and ANTOINE-DENIS RAUDOT, in the presence of Governor Vaudreuil, his wife, and the principal civil and military figures of the town. Several children were born of this union, among them Jean-Baptiste-François, who like his father took up a military career, and was made a knight of the order of Saint-Louis in 1762, and René-Ovide, born 6 Sept. 1720 at Port-Toulouse, who became a judge, and to the great despair of his mother married the flighty Louise André de Leigne ... (12)


LA FOREST, MARC-ANTOINE DE, writer in the Marine, employed extraordinarily at Rochefort and Placentia (Plaisance), commissary at Port-Toulouse (St. Peters, N.S.), then attorney of the Admiralty Court of Louisbourg; b. in France; d. 22 June 1738 at Louisbourg at about the age of 70 .... The financial commissary, Pierre-Auguste de Soubras, retained his services at Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island) and entrusted him with the duties of subdelegate, storekeeper, and bailiff at Port-Toulouse. (13)


LA MARCHE, DOMINIQUE DE (baptized François), priest, Recollet, missionary, superior of the Recollets in Acadia, provincial commissioner; b. c. 1677 in France; d. 14 Nov. 1738 at Montargis (Loiret) .... he was a member of a committee which had been created to choose a port for a French settlement. The following persons: L'Hermitte, Saint-Ovide de Brouillan [Mombeton], Jean-Baptiste de Couagne, Péan de Livaudière, Eury de la Perelle, Jacques D'Espiet de Pensens, Louis Denys de La Ronde, and Father Dominique de La Marche, chose Havre-à-l'Anglois, which was to be called Louisbourg. After the treaty of Utrecht in 1713, it was on Ile Royale, which remained a French possession, that Father La Marche made his mark because of the numerous reports that he sent to the civil and religious authorities. He visited the principal French posts in Acadia, which had become an English possession, including Port-Toulouse (St Peters, N.S.) and Minas, where he met the leading families of the area. Following these meetings, and in his capacity as superior of the Recollets and vicar general to the bishop of Quebec, on 7 Sept. 1715 he sent to Pastour de Costebelle, governor of Ile Royale, a report in which he spoke of the Acadians' loyalty to France and their transfer to Ile Royale. Afterwards he belonged to a commission of envoys which was responsible for presenting the Acadians' interest to the English and the French authorities. His attempts did not obtain the results that he hoped for. Although the voluntary emigration of the Acadians to Ile Royale had been authorized by letter by Queen Anne of England, the authorities on both sides did not lend their cooperation to this project. According to Father La Marche, the Acadians were not to blame for failing to go to Ile Royale; it was in good measure the fault of Governor Costebelle, who had decided that the Acadians would remain where they were ....(14)


Compagnies Franches De La Marine: (iv) Compagnie De Duvivier: Lieutenant - LOUIS LE NEUF DE LA VALLIERE (1713-1787): 1713 - Born at Plaisance, son of Michel Le Neuf de la Vallière and Renée Bertrand ..... 1725 - Accepted as a cadet ..... March 1730 - Made enseigne en second on 25 March, detached to Port Toulouse ..... March 1736 - Promoted to enseigne en pied on 20 March, detached to Port Toulouse .....(15)


LENEUF DE LA VALLIERE DE BEAUBASSIN, MICHEL (the younger), captain, major, knight of the order of Saint-Louis, fourth son of Michel LeNeuf de La Vallière de Beaubassin, governor of Acadia, and of Marie Denys; baptized 28 Oct. 1677 at Trois-Rivières; married Renée Bertrand, daughter of François Bertrand and Jeanne Giraudin; d. 11 Oct. 1740 at Louisbourg [Port Toulouse]. .... At the beginning of 1713, the king counted him among the best of his soldiers and among those who were to take part in the founding of a new colony on Ile Royale. On 5 March he was promoted lieutenant; in that capacity he was to serve in the company at Placentia, under Captain Louis Denys* de La Ronde, which was destined to be transferred soon to Ile Royale. la Vallière was sent to Ile Royale on board the Semslack, and his name appeared among those who signed the official taking-over of the site of the future Louisbourg, on 2 Sept. 1713. He displayed considerable activity at Port-Toulouse (St. Peters, N.S.). As early as 1715 he concerned himself with the handful of Acadian families who were trying to found a new settlement there. He was in the settlement at various times and in various capacities, even that of commandant until 1732. His presence gave rise to complaints on the part of certain settlers. In a petition addressed to the minister and dated 1 Oct. 1730, they accused him of seizing control of trade, to their detriment. If we can judge by the correspondence exchanged between Governor Saint-Ovide de Brouillan [Mombeton] and the minister, such complaints were unfounded, and attributable, according to Saint-Ovide, particularly to the local missionary ....(16)


MILLY, FRANÇOIS, fishing entrepreneur and merchant; b. before 1691 at Plaisance (Placentia, Nfld.), eldest of the four surviving sons of Jean Milly and Marie Aubert; d. before 1749 .... In 1742 he also acquired some further (unspecified) property and possessions, probably at Port-Toulouse (St Peters, N.S.), from a friend, Jean Baptiste, a ship's captain residing in Louisbourg ....(17)


MONBETON DE BROUILLAN, dit Saint-Ovide, JOSEPH DE, officer in the colonial regular troops, governor of Ile Royale; b. 1676 at Bourrouillan (dept. of Gers), France; d. 4 April 1755 at Saint-Sever (dept. of Landes), France .... Similarly energetic were his harangues to the assemblies of Micmacs who gathered annually at Port-Toulouse (St Peters, N.S.) and Ile Saint-Jean (Prince Edward Island) to receive the wages of their loyalty to the French king in the form of powder and ball, muskets and utensils ....(18)


MORPAIN, PIERRE, privateer, port captain, naval and militia officer; b. c. 1686 in Blaye, France, son of Jacques Morpain, a businessman and local dignitary of modest means, and Marguerite Audoire; m. 13 Aug. 1709 at Port-Royal (Annapolis Royal, N.S.) Marie-Joseph (d. 1726), daughter of Louis Damours* de Chauffours and Marguerite Guyon; d. 20 Aug. 1749 in Rochefort, France. In October 1717 he reluctantly agreed to pilot a detachment of officers and troops in bad weather along the rugged coast between Louisbourg and Port-Toulouse (St Peters, N.S.). The journey took nine days during the whole of which Morpain allegedly gave unabashed vent to his fear, made a series of erroneous navigational readings, saw reefs where there were none, and finally, in mid-journey, left the helm altogether. When the detachment reached Port-Toulouse, he was severely dealt with, being insulted and incarcerated by Louis DENYS de la Ronde. In their report to the court the governor and the financial commissary, Saint-Ovide [MONBETON] and Pierre-Auguste de Soubras*, concluded that "Morpain.... belied his reputation on that occasion...." (19)


PEPPERRELL, WILLIAM, merchant, father of Sir William Pepperrell, who commanded the New England forces against Louisbourg in 1745; b.c. 1647, son of Andrew and Joan Pepperrell of Revelstoke, Devonshire; married Margery Bray, daughter of a prosperous shipbuilder of Kittery Point, Me., by whom he had eight children; d. 15 Feb. 1733/34 at Kittery Point ....Later, he traded at Canso (Canseau, N.S.) and Port-Toulouse (St Peters) as well ....(20)

PEPPERRELL, Sir WILLIAM, merchant shipowner, commander of the colonial forces that took Louisbourg, Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island), in 1745; b. 27 June 1696 (o.s.) at Kittery Point, Massachusetts (now in Maine), son of William Pepperrell and Margery Bray; m. 1723 to Mary Hirst, daughter of a wealthy Boston merchant and granddaughter of Judge Samuel Sewall, the diarist; they had four children, two of whom died in infancy; d. 6 July 1759 at Kittery Point .... For a number of years William Pepperrell owned an interest in fishing boats operating out of Canso, Nova Scotia, and Port-Toulouse (St Peters) on Ile Royale .....(21)


Compagnies Franches De La Marine: (viii) Compagnie De Rousseau De Villejouin: Capitaine - GABRIEL ROUSSEAU DE VILLEJOUIN (1709-1781): 1709 - Born at Plaisance, son of Gabriel Rousseau de Villejouin (officer in the compagnies franches) and Marie-Josephte Bertrand ..... 1737-1738 - Detached to Port Toulouse where he was the officer commanding ..... 1751-1752 - Commanded detachment at Port Toulouse .....(22)


SOUBRAS, PIERRE-AUGUSTE DE, financial commissary, subdelgate of the intendant of New France, and first councillor of the Conseil Supérieur of Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island), d. 9 April 1725, at Bordeaux. There is no record of his having married ....He attempted to encourage Acadian farmers, on whom the hopes for a viable agriculture in the colony rested, to settle on the island, but had little success .... It was chiefly due to his efforts that a brick-kiln was established at Port Toulouse (St Peters) in 1716; despite its inferior quality, local brick was used on the Louisbourg fortifications until 1725 ....(23)


TARRIDE DUHAGET (Du Haget), ROBERT, officer in the colonial regular troops; b. 1702 or 1703 in Estang (dept. of Gers), France, son of Charles Tarride Duhaget and Antoinette de Saint-Thairau (Saint-Turine, Saint-Chéran); m. 29 Sept. 1737 at Louisbourg, Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island), Marguerite, sister of Gabriel Rousseau de Villejouin; d. 19 Dec. 1757 at Brest, France .... The rebuilding of Ile Royale's defences became principal policy consideration when, by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the island was restored to France in 1748. Duhaget was first assigned to recruiting duties at Brest and Bordeaux, but in 1749 he returned to Ile Royale as commander of Port-Toulouse (St Peters). This was, in June 1750, the scene of a mutiny brought on by an altercation between a corporal and the garrison cook about poor food. Wounded during the mutiny, Duhaget was obliged to return to France for treatment.[(24)

Compagnies Franches De La Marine: (vii) Compagnie De Duhaget: Capitaine - ROBERT TARRIDE DUHAGET (CA. 1702- 03-1757): ca. 1702-1703 - Born in parish of Estang, bishopric of Aire in Gascogne, son of Charles Tarride Duhaget and Antoinette de Saint-Chéran ..... In 1749 he returned to the colony as the officer commanding at Port Toulouse ...... June 1750 - Mutiny at Port Toulouse in the course of which Duhaget was injured. He returned to France to recuperate .....(25)


VERRIER, ÉTIENNE, engineer; b. 4 Jan. 1683 at Aix-en-Provence, France, son of Christope, master-sculptor (d. 1709) and Marguerite Ferrant (Ferran); m. 1709 Hélène Papin, by whom he had at least four children; d. 10 Sept. 1747 at La Rochelle France .... During the next 20 years, he completed the landward front of fortification, the Royal and Island batteries, and the chief public buildings of the town; designed the lighthouse and redesigned it after a destructive fire; designed and built the whole harbour front which completed the enceinte; and planned and directed the construction of essential works and buildings at Port-Dauphin (Englishtown, N.S.), Port-Toulouse (St Peters, N.S.) and Port-La-Joie (Fort Amherst, P.E.I.) .... He was also responsible for a number of plans of buildings and forts at Port-Dauphin, Port-Toulouse, and Port-La-Joie .... (26)


VERVILLE, JEAN-FRANÇOIS DE, engineer, director of fortifications for Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island), 1717-1725, knight of the order of Saint-Louis; b. in France, probably after 1680; father of Louis; Chevalier de Verville (1704-1784) and Guillaume (1707-1751), distinguished members of the corps of engineers; d. 1729 at Valenciennes, France; his widow was still living in 1751 .... Apparently upon the recommendation of the Marquis d'Asfeld, director-general of fortifications and a member of the council of Marine under the regency, Verville was named director of fortifications for Ile Royale. Following a reconnaissance of the island in 1716, Verville recommended Louisbourg as the capital and main fortress of the colony. In 1717 he directed the preparation of plans for its fortifications, and (on a smaller scale) those of Port Dauphin (Englishtown, N.S.) and Port Toulouse (St Peters) ... Even where local building materials were suitable, a mishap at what was usually the only source of supply (such as the destruction by fire of the brick-kiln at Port Toulouse in 1723) could cause prices to rise sharply ....(27)




... The documents for the commander's houses in Port Toulouse and Port La Joye say the piquets were round, 6 pouces in diameter (grosseur) and 10 and 9 pieds long respectively for each location ... The longer ones were to be placed 2 pieds into the ground, and the shorter, 18 pouces . (Figure A). From this data, it seems that a length of 9 to 10 pieds was the most common for piquets, in a single storey house, the inside height being about 7 to 8 pieds. (2) CONSTRUCTION: In the two commander's houses mentioned above, one is said to have had the piquets planted plumb and joined together by narrow planks serving as plates nailed to a part of the piquets (plantés aplomb, joints les uns aux autres et arrêtés par des alaises de madriers servant de sabliéres cloués sur une partie des piquets) ... . A tentative interpretation of this method of construction is illustrated in figure B, no. 1 . The other house had piquets held in place by a wall plate, tenoned and morticed (ces piquets sont joints les uns aux autres et arrestés par dessus par un cour de sablières à tenons et mortoises) ... This method is shown on Figure B, no. 2. Unfortunately, there are no specific details as to how floor and ceiling were joined to the wall ... (28)


... On 22 April, two men who had come overland from Port Toulouse told Duchambon of hearing cannon fire from Canso and that work was under way to restore the defences of that place. A third man told of witnessing a battle between French and English ships along the coast .... (29)

... While all of the regiments would have been initially assembled at the encampment, only five regiments appear to have been permanently headquartered there during the progress of the campaign. These were Pepperrell's (including his personal headquarters), Burr's (nominally Wolcott's), Moulton's (which returned from Port Toulouse on 16 May), Moore's and Willard's. ..(30)


... The situation was particularly troublesome at Port Toulouse, because of the lack of conscientious enforcement of trade regulations there and because of the settlement's proximity to Canso.

Louisbourg officials could not find an easy solution to the problems of the Port Toulouse-Canso area. A report of early 1717 indicated that both French and English lived at Canso, and there were suggestions that Governor Costebelle tolerated the situation. To these allegations Costebelle replied that toleration of the situation was necessary to keep the strait between Cape Breton Island and Nova Scotia open to the French. As for trade in the area, he suggested that it was necessary because of problems in receiving supplies from merchants in French ports such as Bayonne, Nantes, and St. Jean de Luz. The Council of Marine in France was apparently unsatisfied with such explanations. The Council, noting in a memoir of September 1717 that trade was easily and commonly conducted at Port Toulouse, proceeded to forbid all commerce with the English by inhabitants of the village. Issuing decrees was easier than enforcing them. The Louisbourg authorities probably could not rely on the garrison at Port Toulouse to regulate trade. The soldiers there were reportedly so undisciplined that they passed much of their time in taverns and worked only when it pleased them to do so. It was said to be impossible to get them to perform even the most pressing tasks. Only the suppression of the taverns, one report advised, would bring about a restoration of order ...

... In September 1733, the Boston Gazette published a report that the French were still adding to Louisbourg's defences although they allegedly already had nearly 200 guns mounted on the batteries there. The French were also said to have started fortifications at Port Toulouse. The newspaper expressed concern about the works in case of war between France and Britain ...

... The Pepperrells traded with Ile Royale for more than a decade, despite some losses, such as the wrecking at Port Toulouse of a vessel in which they had an interest, in 1721. The master of the vessel, a sloop called Prosperous, saved only the clothes on his back ...

This voyage to Cape Breton by Pepperrell interests was not an isolated venture. The same year in which Prosperous was lost, Pepperrell sent John and Mary to the same area. He instructed the captain, John More, to dispose of his cargo to either the French or the English. The cargo was typical of those destined for the Canso-Port Toulouse area. It consisted of 2,500 feet of boards and planks, 5,500 staves, four calves, some cows, twenty-four sheep, one hogshead of rum, and two hogsheads of tobacco. Pepperrell specifically directed More to call at Port Toulouse and "See and bring home what our Vessels have got to send home." Moreover, Pepperrell instructed More to sell the vessel if he could get 200 sterling or goods of that value for it ...

In 1723, the Pepperrell operations in the Canso-Port Toulouse area suffered another loss with the death of Captain John Watkins, son-in-law to the senior Pepperrell. Watkins was killed at Canso by either French or Indians. When he learned of the event, Pepperrell wrote to Major William Cosby, commander of the Canso garrison, to ask his assistance in settling Watkins' affairs and securing his effects, described as very considerable. In 1726, the Pepperrells still conducted business at Port Toulouse, as is made clear by their correspondence dealing with the disposal of a vessel left at Port Toulouse upon the death of Captain John Dearing, with whom the Pepperrells were joint owners ...(31)


... For the purposes of this introductory report, the buildings considered are the 16 private masonry dwellings in and around Louisbourg and the Logement du Commandant in Port Toulouse, the latter because of its useful plan, profile, devis and marché...Port Toulouse OWNER: Logement du Commandant SIZE IN Pieds: 58 X 30 ... Significant information is also obtained from the 1733 devis and marché for three civil buildings constructed in Port Toulouse, one of which was a masonry residence for the commander ... F0UNDATIONS: The foundations of masonry buildings without basements seem to have been entirely beneath the ground level - the foundations of the Vallée house were 2 pieds, 6 pouces deep and three pieds wide and supported interior (mur de refend) and exterior masonry walls two pieds thick. This method of construction is illustrated on the 1733 profile of the logement du commandant in Port Toulouse .... In this case, the principal walls rose from the center of the foundations, leaving a ledge on both sides ...Even the more detailed documents do not usually describe how the joists were to be joined to the masonry walls. The most common method we assume to be the insertion of the Joists into joist sockets in the walls, as in the case of the upper storeys of the proposed Rodrigue house. Our only profile is that of the Port Toulouse building on plan 733- 11. In this plan the joists seem to be inserted into the rubble masonry walls. On the ground floor, the ledge of the foundation wall does not seem to have been used for support, although it is conceivable that the joists were resting on a board, not shown, on the ledge ... The specifications for the Port Toulouse and proposed Rodriguez buildings called for floors of 2 pouces pine boards, planed on one side. The Rodriguez floors were to be of tongue and groove or lapped construction, nailed with two nails on each joist. The floors of the Port Toulouse house were to be of tongue and groove construction ... A truss of the Port Toulouse building is shown on the 733-11 profile ...(32)

... It seems that Benoist and his family were in Port Toulouse from at least 1742 to 1745. In January of 1734, after the communauté with his first wife had been established, he married Anne Jaçau, the daughter of Thomas Jaçau, the master cannonier. ... The last reference to Pierre Benoist or Anne Jaçau in the Louisbourg parish records was in April of 1741. It is possible that two of their five children were born in Port Toulouse, since the baptisms of only three were registered in Louisbourg. (See Appendix I). If Benoist's family accompanied him to Port Toulouse, there is no indication who occupied his Lot C house in Louisbourg. Benoist's finances continued to decline following his personal losses at Port Toulouse in 1745 ......(33)

... Three other properties were owned by Dugas at that time - a property on the Rue Dauphine with a small dilapidated cabane which served as a forge, estimated at 600 livres, as well as a property with a cabane at Mira and a property at Port Toulouse which were not assessed. Another asset was a ship of about 40 tons, assessed at 1,500 livres, and possibly the English vessel mentioned in Dugas' papers ...(34)


... Louisbourg, however, was too important to leave undefended. The King ordered that some fortifications should be constructed and that two companies of troops should be stationed there. Similar provision was made for Port Toulouse (St. Peter's) at the southwestern end of Cape Breton. The Council of the Marine was persuaded that this settlement, largely because of its proximity to Acadie, should be rendered absolument hors d'insulte ...(35)


... Louisbourg: The Setting

Choice of Site

The reasons for choosing Louisbourg, as opposed to other harbours on Cape Breton, once it became clear that Placentia (Newfoundland) could no longer remain a French colony, are not self-evident. That the French authorities were concerned primarily about safeguarding the fishing industry was stated in the original instructions from Pontchartrain to L'Hermitte in 1713; the Placentia inhabitants were to be relocated in a port that could be defended, was within easy reach of the fishing grounds, and suitable for landing and drying the catch ... Of the three most propitious areas - Port Toulouse (modern-day St. Peters), Louisbourg and Port Dauphin (modern-day Englishtown) -initial reports favoured Port Dauphin, and the official position was made clear to Verville when he was instructed to prepare estimates for fortifying all three locations:

[Louisbourg] would have been made the principal establishment if the port could have been easily fortified, and if there had been a large enough gravel strand on which to dry the catch from the fishing vessels, but the meagre strand there, together with the enormous costs required to fortify this port safely, made the late king, in response to requests from the officers of Isle Royale and merchants of the kingdom, decide upon Port Dauphin as the principal establishment ... the Council wishes to make the Sieur de Verville aware that as far as his fortification designs are concerned, it is not acceptable to fortify in the colonies to the same extent as in Europe because of the great cost .... (Author's translation).

By the following year the members of the council had reconsidered and declared Louisbourg to have priority. Verville was to proceed upon the lines he had already recommended for fortifying the harbour there. In a letter to Costebelle and Soubras, governor and commissaire of the new colony, it was stated that

His Majesty has decided to begin the fortifying of this island at the port of Louisbourg, it being the most important port in terms of its advantages over the others for the fishery and because of its location.16 (Author's translation) ...

The decision was influenced by commercial rather than military considerations, but Verville can scarcely be held responsible on the basis of his report of the year before.17 The engineer was careful to adhere to his instructions and draw up proposals for the three sites, even finding time to consider a fourth possibility, Baye Royalle, just south of Port Dauphin. While noting that the harbour at Louisbourg "according to the feeling of the merchants and fishermen appears in this respect the best on the island,"... his overall recommendation for Port Toulouse appears to have been more favourable:

Because of the lie of the land, well suited to being fortified, by the difficulty of forcing an entry into the port once the channel markers have been removed, because of the fertility of the land and because it is close to Acadia with its fishing grounds, this port is one of the best locations on the island.19 (Author's translation).

The fortifications proposed for all locations were similar, consisting of masonry redoutes bastionnées and field fortifications combined to isolate a small section of coastline. Comparative costs showed that Louisbourg would be the most expensive to establish, followed by Port Toulouse and then Port Dauphin.20 In opting for Louisbourg, the council was committing the government to the most expensive choice, one which their subsequent decision to improve the field fortifications by revetting them in masonry was to render even more costly ...

If Verville cannot be criticized for encouraging the selection of the Louisbourg site, his report may be questioned for what he did not say. His comments on Port Toulouse reveal that a tenable defensive position was something to which he attached importance, but at Louisbourg his main preoccupation was the harbour: the Royal and Island batteries originated with his initial proposals. He felt that the landward side was relatively safe as no landings were possible and sufficient command of the nearby knolls could be achieved by the construction of une forte Redoute Bastionnée exécutée en maçonnerie ....

... While access to the fishing grounds was of prime importance to the French, Louisbourg was not necessarily the only logical choice, Port Toulouse being much closer to the rich Canso banks. We are left to conclude that if Verville did not actively recommend Louisbourg over other possibilities, he did not prepare his report with the thoroughness his training should have demanded. Beyond this lies the question of his judgement as an engineer, which was constantly questioned by the governor to the extent that he was eventually recalled. He had proposed lines of fortification similar to Louisbourg's for Ports Toulouse and Dauphin, which he felt were naturally defensible, but which were also commanded by higher ground. Granted that the likelihood of a serious attack was considered remote at the time, there is little justification for ignoring such a basic concept of fortification.

Yet in essence Verville's proposals for defending Louisbourg went unaltered. The only major modification was the addition of the front comprising the Brouillan and Maurepas bastions and its communications to the original defences, but this did not entail the alteration of any of the works Verville had proposed. The weakness of its defensive position being unsuspected or ignored, Louisbourg was judged more than adequate to fulfil its role as a base for the fishing industry ... (36)


... There were about 600-650 men in all and the majority (perhaps 525-575) were concentrated in the capital, leaving 75 soldiers to man the colony's isolated outposts ...Moreover, the majority of the colony's desertions occurred at the outposts of Port Toulouse and Isle St. Jean which were much closer than Louisbourg to the mainland ...(37)

.. IS ANY FURTHER EVIDENCE needed that the history of the Atlantic region, the history of Canada generally, was not a matter of sweetness and light, peace and harmony? If so, then the following document may be of some interest. It recounts a violent and dramatic confrontation between soldiers and officers at the little outpost of Port Toulouse (present-day St. Peter's, Cape Breton Island) on 23 June 1750. The Ile Royale troops had a long history of turbulence; earlier, in 1744-45, the soldiers of Louisbourg revolted against their officers and assumed virtual control of the town for five months ... In 1750 the revolt was more short-lived.

Captain Duhaget, commander of the Port Toulouse garrison, some 100 kilometres southwest of Louisbourg, wrote this narrative, a letter to the colonial minister and our only source on the second mutiny, while recovering from a leg wound received during the exchange of fire ... There is little reason to question his basic outline of the events of the day. The soldiers here, like the men of Louisbourg six years earlier and like the sailors of the Battleship Potemkin 155 years later, were annoyed by the substandard quality of their rations. During an argument over food, a corporal struck a soldier and it was to protest this indignity that the men turned out in unauthorized battle formation. When Duhaget and the corporal ran for their weapons, they were fired upon and both were wounded. Bloodshed (probably unintended) immediately raised the stakes and, fearing a punitive expedition from Louisbourg, 23 rebels commandeered boats and set off for the English-held Acadian settlements. On the way however, there was an explosion on one of the boats and four or five of the fugitives were killed. Apparently the others either returned to give themselves up or were captured, since other documents indicate a mass court-martial. In September 1750, six men were convicted of mutiny and shot, while a large number of others were sentenced to servitude in the king's galleys ...

Why did the soldiers risk such brutal punishment? On this point, Duhaget is unhelpful and, quite likely, deliberately misleading. Anxious to avoid any blame, the commander insisted he had provided no grounds for complaint, implying that his men had revolted impulsively over a trivial incident. And yet the turn of events strongly suggests deep-seated tensions and suspicion. In general, the lot of an 18th-century soldier was a hard one: recruited in many cases by trickery or force, he served long terms with severe discipline, low pay and little opportunity to marry. A tremendous gulf separated soldiers and officers, but overt conflict was generally kept to a minimum in Europe by paternalism, by the socialization of new recruits to the military esprit de corps and by displays of the authorities' punitive power. These restraints did not operate as effectively in Ile Royale for a number of reasons. For example, there was a blatant system of exploitation here by which officers enjoyed a monopoly in supplying their men with liquor, clothing and other merchandise at grossly inflated prices. This certainly undermined any paternalistic relationship and was a major factor leading to the Louisbourg mutiny and, no doubt, to the Port Toulouse rising. Generally, the special circumstances of military life at Ile Royale tended to enhance a feeling of solidarity among the soldiers and to alienate them from the officers and other authorities ...

The result was two very serious revolts in the space of six years. The Port Toulouse rising in some ways seems the graver of the two. It was marked by open violence and it led to more merciless punishment (Only three men were executed for the Louisbourg mutiny, compared with double that number for the later rising). On the other hand, the revolt at Louisbourg was more extensive, more prolonged, and more far-reaching in its challenge to authority. Taken together, these two incidents illustrate, in their results, the savageness with which the absolutist state dealt with rebels. More significantly, they also provide another example of the power of "traditional" attitudes, such as the notion of the dignity of the man-at-arms, to sustain collective resistance. Forced to live for years in lonely colonial exile, subjected to stern discipline and cheated out of their pay, the soldiers of Ile Royale defended their interests as best they could by petitions, by strikes and, when the circumstances called for more serious action, by open revolt ...


Vous aurés sans doutte apris par le compte que Mr. Desherbiers vous aura rendu, la revolte arrivée au Port toulouse, ou je commandois; cette Scenne s'est passée le 23 juin de la presente année.

Le seul pretexte de ces mutins fut, Monseigneur, sur ce que un caporal ayant commandé celuy d'entre eux qui etoit de cuisinne pour avoir des herbes, et voyant au moment du souper, qui ne l'avoit pas fait, disant qu'il avoit des legumes; a quoy le caporal repartit il est d'usage dans nos troupes de les menager pour l'hyver; cette semonce déplut beaucoup audit soldat qui jurat le nom de Dieu, sur quoi le caporal luy detachat un seul coup de lianne dans la chambrée. Cinq ou six vinrent sur le champ se plaindre ainsy, me demandant si je voulois souffrir que les caporeaux et les sergents leurs donnassent des coups de cannes; je leurs repondis que je leurs rendrois bonne Justice, que mon intention n'estoit point que personnes les frapat plus que moy, mais aussy qu'ils ne manquassent point de respects aux officiers soldats. Ils parurent contants de ma reponse et s'en retournerent tout de suitte au quartier, ou le moment après je me rendis pour voir de quoy il etoit question. Je ne fus jamais plus surpris que d'entendre crier aux armes, et de voir qu'une partie les avoit desja pris; mon premier debut fut de crier bas les armes, et leurs demander s'ils ne me reconnoissoit [sic] pas pour leur commandant. Ils me repondit avec mutinerie que sitost qu'ils seroient rangé en bataille qu'ils me parleroient; J'employay tous les termes que je crus les plus propres pour les faire rentrer dans leurs devoirs, tant menaces que voix de douceurs; le caporal étoit pour lors a mes costés; huit de ses malheureux armerent pour lors leurs fuzils, et nous crierent de nous retirer sans quoy ils nous passeroient par les armes. Voyant la partie inegalle, et qu'il n'y avoit qu'un cris de nous retirer, sans quoy nous payerions notre entetement, je crus a propos de le faire, d'autant que je n'étois point armé. Je n'avois point concerté de precaution necessaire, et ne me serois jamais imaginé qu'on eûst pu pousser l'imprudence aussy loing; mon intention Monseigneur, n'estoit autre que de m'armer et de m'opposer a leurs mauvais desseins s'ils y persistoient. Le sergent et le susdit caporal me suivirent. Ses [sic] mutins previrent sans doutte ce que je premeditois, et au moment que je metois le pied dans la salle, qui n'étoit distante de la troupe que de huit a dix pas, un de la droitte se detachat et lachat un coup de fuzil, dont le caporal fut dangereusement blessé au bas ventre, les boyeaux luy sortant du corp. Le fuzil estoit chargé a deux balles. J'en receus une dans la cuisse qui me la perceat de part en part. Je me trouvay beigné dans mon sang et hors d'etat de m'opposer a leurs infamie. Ils me firent sitost qu'ils le surent, bien des excuses, et m'assurent qu'ils n'avoient point eu dessein de me blesser, qu'ils n'en avoient voulu qu'au caporal, que le malheur estant arivé, ils sentoient bien qu'ils n'avoient autre party a prendre que la fuitte, mais qu'ils ne pouvoient voyager sans argent et obligerent mon domestique a leurs donner les clefs de mes malles en le menaçant de luy bruler la cervelle.

Je ne vous retraceré point Monseigneur, les pertes que j'ay fait d'en ce jour. J'en ay rendu compte a Mrs Desherbiers et Prevost, et ces Mrs m'ont assuré qu'ils vous representeront combien il étoit juste que je fus remboursé de mes pertes; ils n'ont pas meme epargné le magazin du Roy.

Ils partirent enfin, le meme soir, après avoir enlevé deux petits batiments de dix a douze tonneaux, sur lesquelles ils s'embarquerent et tous leurs butin. Ils forcerent plusieurs habitants à les conduire sur les terres de l'acadie. A huit heures du matin estant dans le passage, l'esquif qui etoit chargé de poudre et de vivres sautat. Quatre de ces miserables perirent et ce qu'il y eut de plus malheureux, un des habitants nommé Briant sautat avec eux, et a laissé une pauvre veuve et huit enfants. Comme ces gens avoient laché au moment du depart, que toutte la garnizon de Louisbourg en devoit faire autant le meme jour, je depecha des le grand matin un expres a Mr Desherbiers, pour l'informer de ce qui c'estoit passé, et de ce qui c'estoit dit. Je serois inconsolable, Monseigneur, si j'avois donné la moindre occasion a cette revolte, et ay attendu que l'affaire eut eté jugé pour demander a Mr Desherbiers s'il avoit trouvé dans le procès quelque chose a mes charges; a quoy il m'a repondu n'y avoir rien trouvé, que il vous envoyeroit touttes les procedures et que vous seriés a meme d'en juger.

Il n'y en avoit que vingt trois qui ont trempé dans cette affaire, les autres ne l'ayant pas voulu, et n'osant se fier a leurs camarades, se refugierent dans les bois et revinrent des l'endemain matin. Sitost qu'ils seurent les autres partis, ils s'offrirent meme a courir après; mais ils avoient eu la precaution d'emporter touttes les armes et il n'i en avoit point pour les remplacer.

Mr Duboisberthelot, le seul officier que j'eus, m'avoit demander de s'absenter pour deux ou trois jours. Comme je luy avois permi il ne se trouva point dans cette affaire.

Le chirurgien major a jugé Monsigneur, que la nature de ma blessure exigeoit que je prisse les eaux de Barege et sur son certifficat Mr desherbiers a bien voulu m'acorder un congé dont je profiterois; ce qui me mettra a meme en attendant la saison, d'avoir l'honneur de vous faire ma cour, et de vous rendre compte plus amplement de ce qui s'est passé.

J'ay l'honneur d'etre avec un profond respect, Monseigneur, votre très humble et tres obeissant serviteur,


a Louisbourg le 15e 8bre 1750.(38)


1976 - APRIL 02

Port Toulouse: Details; Enclosures: Port Toulouse.(39)

1980 - MARCH 22

Request Investigation: St. Peter's Village History, Picture of Nicolas Denys; Material on Fort Toulouse Period in Louisbourg Archives; Request: Research Visit, Awaiting a Reply Canada. (40)

1980 - DECEMBER 05

Preparing Book, Historical Account, The Village of St. Peters, Richmond County, Nova Scotia; Request Information: Material on Port Toulouse; Forwarded Some Information on Second Page of Letter.(41)

1980 - DECEMBER 10

Thank you: Have Material on Port Toulouse, In Raw Stage; Suggest Again: Research Visit ; Note: We Could Send Photos of Some Port Toulouse Plans, Only Answer Few of Your Queries.(42)

1982 - DECEMBER 21

Request: Information on Fortress of Forts built at St. Peter's, Richmond County Details.(43)

1983 - JANUARY 29

Thank you: Books of Port Toulouse, Parts of Richmond County, Illustrations, and Maps ; Request Information: Any Information of Richmond County; A Lot More Information of Port Toulouse; Shipwrecks in Richmond County during Louisbourg War Era.(44)

1983 - FEBRUARY 07

Re: Letter of January 29, 1983 - Information of Port Toulouse and History of St. Peter's Area - Details; Enclosed: Photocopies of Maps, Bibliographies, May Retain Copies; Suggest: Review Material and Request Any Books you wish on interlibrary Loan.(45)

1983 - FEBRUARY 24

Request: Larger Photocopies of Maps of St. Peter's and Plans of Port Toulouse, Willing to Pay Costs; Of Interest: Plans and Structure and Drawings of Old French and English Ships, Lists of War Ship that went down in Nova Scotia or Cape Breton (mainly) The Petit-de-Grat Area ; Enclosed: List of Requested Books for Loan.(46)

1983 - MAY 27

Re: Manuscript, History of St. Peter's, Possible Publication; Request: Information of Port Toulouse After 1749 - 1758 - Details.(47)

1984 - JUNE 13

Re: 25 Black & White Prints of Port Toulouse, St. Peter's, Richmond County; Note: Unable to get Once Interested Parties to Help With The Cost; Request: Prepayment Plan for These Prints ; Request: Any Information on Ships on Louisbourg Era that Serviced Richmond County.(48)

1985 - MAY 29

Re: List of Projects to go in Building, 17th Century Fort Toulouse Request: Photocopy of 25 Plans; Queries: Any Drawings, Photocopies of The Uniforms, Dishes, Tools, and Furniture ; Loan Requests: Spare Library Index; History of St. Peter's.(49)


... The Port Toulouse specifications quoted by Pierre Bureau [See Pierre Bureau's memo on the King's Bastion interior place of arms, April 30, 1968] were in fact for palisades (and not for enclosures as he suggests), and indicate that braces were placed in front of and behind the post.(50)


Compagnies Franches De La Marine - The first French troops to garrison Isle Royale were soldiers of the compagnies franches de la Marine. From 1713 to 1722, when the first contingent of the Karrer Regiment arrived in Louisbourg, soldiers of the compagnies franches comprised the entire garrison at three locations on the island, Louisbourg, Port Toulouse and Port Dauphin. Even after the arrival of the Karrer troops in the capital, soldiers drawn from the compagnies franches stationed at Louisbourg continued to form the only garrison at the smaller settlements .... There were three locations outside of Louisbourg where soldiers from the compagnies franches were garrisoned .... The detachment assigned to Port Toulouse was larger than that at Port Dauphin but still small (about 25 men). Pierre Benoist, the lieutenant ' from Robert Tarride Duhaget's company, was the officer in command there during 1744 and in 1745 until forced by the enemy to evacuate and return to Louisbourg. (51)

Jean ... Fougères, of Port Toulouse, had captured a British schooner near the Canso Islands on 11 June [1744] without possessing an authorized commission as a privateer. In its place he had handwritten permission from Pierre Benoist, the commandant at Port Toulouse. When Fougères later brought his prize to Louisbourg, it was confiscated because he had not been properly licensed ...In early June a vessel was sent to Port Toulouse (St. Peter's) with supplies for the troops garrisoned there. On its return voyage a few with supplies for the troops garrisoned there. On its return voyage a few days later, the boat brought back to Louisbourg six cannons. (A month later a similar trip was made to Port Dauphin [Englishtown] to bring back to the capital all of the cannons and shot from that post.) In addition to concentrating available ordnance in the stronghold of Isle Royale, the colonial officials took care to cultivate their alliance with the Micmacs. Towards the end of June, supplies of tobacco and other goods were purchased for subsequent distribution to those valuable allies ...(52)

On 29 July the first step in the plan to seize Annapolis Royal was taken when five vessels sailed from Louisbourg bound for Isle Saint Jean and then Chignecto. In command of the expedition was Captain François Du Pont Duvivier, the successful leader of the May attack on Canso. Also assigned to the expedition were three junior officers: Louis Du Pont Duchambon de Vergor, enseigne en pied, Michel Rousseau, enseigne en second, and Gobet (more than likely de Caubet), enseigne en second. Duvivier was aboard the schooner Succes, the coast guard for Isle Royale until assigned to escort this expedition to Isle Saint-Jean. The remainder of the force - the junior officers, nine cadets, one sergeant and 19 soldiers - travelled in four smaller boats. By early August all five vessels had reached Port Toulouse.'o The first leg on the journey to Annapolis and the attempt to recapture Acadia was over. The most difficult stages still lay ahead, in August and September.(53)

... The first destination of the Duvivier expedition after it left Louisbourg on 29 July was Port Toulouse. Held up by contrary winds, the five vessels did not reach there until 2 August.' Once ashore, Duvivier set out to make the necessary arrangements for Micmac support for the at- tack on Annapolis Royal. Lieutenant Pierre Benoist, the commandant at Port Toulouse, was directed to send word to their Micmac allies to rendezvous with Duvivier's force at Minas later that summer. In the hope of encouraging as many Micmacs as possible to give their support to the attack, Duvivier left some presents to be sent to the bands in the Cape Sable area at the southwestern tip of Nova Scotia. Two Micmac chiefs happened to be at Port Toulouse when Duvivier arrived and he personally briefed them on his intentions and gave them a supply of bread in the expectation that they and their warriors would be able to proceed directly to the rendezvous on the mainland. One final measure which was likely taken at Port Toulouse was to have the Abbé Pierre Maillard, the missionary to the Micmacs of Isle Royale, join the expedition. Maillard was definitely with Duvivier on the mainland and it is likely that he joined the force when it stopped at Port Toulouse. Having done every- thing he could to ensure that there would be Micmac support for the assault, Duvivier prepared to leave Port Toulouse. Before leaving, he wrote to Duquesnel, outlining what had happened since his departure from Louisbourg. Although the contents of his report were secret, news of his activities likely circulated in Louisbourg soon after the messenger arrived back in the capital in early August. When the expedition sailed from Port Toulouse, apparently on 3 August, it again ran into strong headwinds and was compelled to anchor ...(54)

... June: early days Vessel sent to Port Toulouse with supplies for the garrison there; returns to Louisbourg bringing six cannons ... Near Canso Island Jean Fougères of Port Toulouse captures an English schooner without possessing an authorized commission as a privateer ... August 2 All five vessels in the Duvivier expedition arrive at Port Toulouse ... In the vicinity of Port Toulouse the Duvivier expedition runs into strong headwinds and is forced to anchor ...(55)

... At the time of its settlement Louisbourg was known as Havre à l'Anglois. The leaders of the 1713 expedition renamed the harbor Port St-Louis, a designation which was later changed in France to Louisbourg. While the settlement party from Placentia (116 men, 10 women, and 23 children) thought Louisbourg would be France's best choice on Ile Royale, their selection was not definitive. The final decision would come in France, and it would be a decision made by officials within the Ministry of the Marine. Besides Louisbourg, two other harbors on Ile Royale would receive serious consideration: Port Toulouse (St. Peters) and Port Dauphin (Englishtown). Each location had its supporters among the engineers, officers, and officials in the new colony. Some argued on behalf of Louisbourg, citing its excellent harbor and its potential for fishery and commerce. Louisbourg's drawback - which everyone admitted - would be the difficulty and expense of fortifying a place surrounded by rows of low-lying hills. A few preferred Port Toulouse because it too had a good harbor yet would cost much less than Louisbourg to fortify. Moreover, putting Ile Royale's capital at Port Toulouse was thought likely to attract more Acadians from British-held Nova Scotia than any other location. Others wrote enthusiastically about Port Dauphin, describing its arable land, its stands of forest, and the relative ease of making it defensible. One French officer wrote that more could be achieved at Port Dauphin for 10,000 livres than by spending 200,000 at Louisbourg. On the other hand, few fishermen judged Port Dauphin to be a good location for their livelihood: it was too long a sail to the rich fishing banks. In the end, however, ease of defensibility and pecuniary considerations seemed to make the difference. In 1715, with the Regency period just beginning, the newly-created Conseil de Marine announced its decision: Port Dauphin, not Louisbourg, would be the administrative center of the new colony of Ile Royale.(56)

... There were only a few communities, such as Port Dauphin (Englishtown) and Port Toulouse (St. Peters) that had small fishing populations. In both cases, there were good reasons why there were relatively few fishermen. Port Dauphin was simply too far from the fishing banks to be a base for the fishery. Port Toulouse, on the other hand, developed a fairly diversified economy, specializing in the coastal carrying trade. In 1726, for instance, Port Toulouse had fifty-nine heads of household, but only six were directly connected with the fishery, and there were only another twenty-two active fishermen. By way of contrast, Port Toulouse had thirty-three household heads that were listed as navigators. Aside from Port Dauphin and Port Toulouse, however, the dominance of the fishery was nearly complete on Ile Royale. Indeed, in many small outports virtually every adult derived his or her living from the fishery ...(57)

... The Units Between 1713 and 1758, seven different military units served in the Louisbourg garrison. They were: Compagnies Franches de la Marine - independent companies of Marine troops; no regimental structure - served at Louisbourg from 1713 to 1758 - number of companies and company size varied over the years - by the 1740s there were eight companies in the garrison with 70 men in each company; not all of them were stationed in Louisbourg, some served at Port Dauphin and Port Toulouse ... When the settlement party from Placentia explored all the different anchorages of Cape Breton during the summer of 1713, they found between 25 and 30 families of Micmacs living on the Island. Over the next few years additional Micmacs (from the mainland) came to the island, though the total aboriginal population on Isle Royale seems to have never exceeded 250 persons. A nomadic people, they were based at Mirligueche, near Port Toulouse (St.). Only occasionally did Micmac representatives visit Louisbourg ... There were two main reasons why the French were able to gain Each year, the alliance between the two peoples was renewed in a formal ceremony at which native chiefs and French officials exchanged gifts and assurances of mutual trust and loyalty. This event normally took place in June or July at either Port Toulouse, Port Dauphin or Port-la-Joie (Charlotte/own). The most important parts of the ceremony were the speeches and the feast, at which the French reciprocated Indian gifts of wampum, pipes, furs and tobacco with blankets, clothing, fabrics, muskets, gunpowder, shot, tools and utensils. Over the years these exchanges became increasingly expensive to the French (from 2000 livres in 1716 to 6000 livres in 1749), but there was never a suggestion that the cost was not worth it. As military allies, the Micmacs were too important to the French for the latter to risk losing their support. Some of the points to be aware of when discussing the Micmacs are: ... based at Mirligueche in the Port Toulouse area ...(58)

... Until 1731 there were two provincials giving attention to Isle Royale, those of the Récollets de Paris and the Récollets de Bretagne. Following a decision in 1717, the Paris Récollets served Port Dauphin (Englishtown) and Port Toulouse (St.), and the Bretagne Récollets provided the curds and chaplains of Louisbourg and its nearby outports. The Paris Récollets withdrew from the colony in 1731 and their rivals from the province of Bretagne assumed responsibility for every parish on the island ... In 1745 Benoist was the commandant at Port Toulouse and possibly his family was there with him. At that time, his family consisted of his second wife, Anne Jacau, their five children, and a daughter by his first marriage ... (59)


... The royal authorities built some [stone buildings]: in Blocks 1, 13 and 23, at various batteries for barracks, and at Port Toulouse, but few private individuals, wishing to enjoy the inherent qualities of strength and beauty which stone buildings appeared to exude, could afford the high initial construction costs. Local government propaganda, particularly after the fire of 1737, nevertheless openly encouraged private masonry construction ...

In rubble stone masonry constructions without basements, a builder often excavated a 2 1/2 to 3 pieds deep by 3 pieds wide trench in which to build a 2 1/2 pieds wide footing as support for a 2 pieds wide perimeter wall. Dimensions varied, of course, depending on the site, a building's downward charge and on the builder's requirements: Port Toulouse foundations were 2 pieds wide with their supporting walls being only 1 l/2 pieds thick ...

Not every contact specified separate or distinct footings, but some did. On Battery Island, for example, the foundations and walls for the guardhouse and prison, as well as the trenches, were to be a uniform thickness of one pied 6 pouces. By way of contrast, in the masonry buildings of Port Toulouse (1733), builders used the footing-foundation technique to achieve a stable base. In addition, the principal walls of the commander's lodging at Port Toulouse were built in the middle of the footings, leaving a ledge to either side. Builders could have benefited from interior ledges as a matter of principle, using them to support their flooring joists, but not all builders did, some instead constructing their walls to the inside edge ...

Local slate, discovered two leagues from Port Toulouse in 1716, was of inferior quality and so Louisbourg, forced to use imported slate from France, looked towards Nantes, Angers and, in particular, to St. Malo, whose slate was considered to be the best ...

Among them were private builders, who used them [double-hung windows] throughout the period, and the military, who first proposed them in 1716 for assorted buildings about the island and then again in the 1718-23 period, for the barracks of the King's Bastion and Royal Battery, and for a tower at Port Toulouse. ...

Indeed, a 1733 contract for Port Toulouse military buildings specifically directed that the [window] frames, of oak, be manufactured in Louisbourg ...

A boarded ceiling ... enhanced the interiors of the chapels in the barracks of the King's Bastion and Port Toulouse ...

A few [chimneys], generally in the countryside or on Isle Saint-Jean, were even of clay and straw, probably placed in a wooden frame. Builders also constructed chimneys of local bricks, which enjoyed some popularity in the early years when there existed a kiln at Port Toulouse. Local bricks were a poor choice for exterior use, however, for their quality was exceedingly bad ... An usual fireplace arrangement was in a piquet building in Port Toulouse in 1749. In that case a back-to-back fireplace was placed, in whose side was set a third, smaller fireplace. The additional fireplace was for heating an officer's room ...(60)


... A series of transactions involving the schooner La Margot graphically illustrates Delort's method of doing business. In 1731 he agreed to supply the building materials and provision the labourers needed by Miqueton Boudrot for the construction of La Margot at Port Toulouse. Boudrot died before he could settle his debt, which had risen to about 2,800 livres, leaving his widow with the responsibility of paying Delort. Unable to pay the debt, she acknowledged the merchant's claim to the schooner and ceded it to him in a judicial sale on May 18, 1733 ... Three experts summoned by the court estimated the value of La Margot at 2,500 livres but Delort sold it two weeks later to Cassagnolles and Bernard Detcheverry, fellow residents of Block 4, for 2,800 livres ... Thus, in curt fashion, Delort had full payment for his services to Boudrot, avoiding the usual inordinate delays that accompanied succession disputes at Louisbourg ... (61)

... The captain [De Pensens] was sent to Port Toulouse in 1715 as commandant, with a garrison of 40 men and was still commandant there in 1724 ... After that first winter De La Ronde was an infrequent visitor to Louisbourg, spending, most of his time outside Isle Royale or at Port Toulouse, where he was appointed commandant in 1715 ...His [De La Ronde's] work at Port Toulouse was so well received that he was commended by St. Ovide for his service and recommended for advancement; when the officer left after his term as commandant expired, the inhabitants of Port Toulouse petitioned for his return .... (62)


THE foundation of Louisbourg was the result of a crisis in French colonial development. Before the readjustment of territory arranged by the Treaty of Utrecht, April 1713 ...

In the year 1713 and the 2nd of September, we, Joseph Ovide de Brouillant, King's Lieutenant at Plaisance, ... with M. L'Hermitte, Major and Engineer, La Ronde and Rouville, Captains ... We declare ... that the said Island of cape Breton was ceded about eighty years ago to Messieurs Denis of Tours, who established there two forts, one in the bay of Ste. Anne's and the other at Port St. Peter near the strait of canceau, of which we have still found traces ...Signed by Decouagne, De Lavalliere, De Laperrelle, Péan Delivandiere, de Pensens, La Ronde Denys, de Rouville, Duvivier, f. Dominique De Lamarche (Recollet), L'Hermitte, St. Ovide de Brouillant ...

... He made his report to the Minister, and the tentative name of Port St. Louis, which they gave to Havre à I'Anglois, was changed to Louisbourg. Ste. Anne's was to be called Port Dauphin; St. Peter's, Port Toulouse; and the whole island, Isle Royale ...(63)

THE declaration of the taking possession of Isle Royale stated that the selection of Louisbourg was provisional. The reports made and the plans submitted in person by St. Ovide to the King secured his approval, which was transmitted to L'Hermitte, with orders to place the fort on the point and the town behind it. This led to complaints from the latter that his plans had been modified and his views inaccurately stated by St. Ovide.

These instructions were definite; but a discussion arose at once as to which should be made the principal place of the three settlements which were thought of. These were Louisbourg, Port Dauphin, and Port Toulouse. Each of them had many advantages, which were dealt with in many letters and memorials. Costebelle wrote to the Minister expressing his opinion, that great attention should be given to Port Toulouse, without claiming that it should be the seat of government, and asked a hearing for Meschin, Commander of the Semslack, who had revisited Louisbourg. When Meschin sought an audience with Pontchartrain he was sent on by him to Raudot the younger, who had been promoted from Quebec to the position of Intendant des Classes (Service Rolls). The Minister wrote to the latter that he could discuss the matter with him after his interview with Meschin.

Other letters also were sent to Pontchartrain. Rouville and La Ronde, in thanking him for their appointments on this pioneer expedition, gave their views on the three ports. The latter was enthusiastic over Port Dauphin, where they could do more work for ten thousand livres than for two hundred thousand in Louisbourg. Trees twenty-eight to thirty-eight inches in diameter and seventy feet long abound; there is an abundance of oak, and not an inch of ground which is not fit to cultivate. He concluded by saying that New England is not worth one-tenth part of Cape Breton, but that he has seen with his own eyes how flourishing is the British colony, where every year they build fifteen hundred vessels ...

... Port Toulouse was not then seriously considered, nor does the name of Bale des Espagnols often appear, notwithstanding the anonymous memoir of 1706 ...

Instructions were sent out to Costebelle and Soubras that Port Dauphin should be made the principal place; that they, the staff, and the larger part of the garrison, four companies, should be established in that place; that St. Ovide should command at Louisbourg with two companies, and De Pensens, aidemajor, should go to Port Toulouse ...

Port Toulouse, preferred by the Acadians, was allotted a garrison of forty men under De Pensens, and a small fort for the purpose of giving confidence to the new settlers was laid out by Couagne. The value of this place had been considered small on account of the shallow entrance of its harbour, but soundings proved that there were three channels with deep water - two of four and a half, and one of three fathoms. Meschin and his pilot went with Costebelle from Port Dauphin to Port Toulouse, by the Bras d'Or Lakes, and confirmed the information. The channels were crooked, but could be made safe by buoys, which in time of war could be removed, making the harbour "easy to friends, inaccessible to enemies."

Louisbourg was so neglected that Soubras urged Costebelle to send to Port Toulouse, St. Ovide and most of the Louisbourg garrison, as no work could be done at the latter place during the winter ...

Father Dominique de la Marche, who was Grand Vicar of the Bishop of Quebec, had been sent on a mission to the Acadians at Port Toulouse, where he met representatives of prosperous families of Minas who were there, the results of which he stated in a letter, September 7 [1715]. In it he recounts the position and fidelity of the Acadians, and states that promises solemnly made through the missionaries as well as the envoys, La Ronde and Pensens, had not been kept, and urges that a vessel should be sent, as he fears further delay. Although Costebelle was absent at Port Dauphin, a council was held the same day, at which Soubras, St. Ovide, Villejouln, Renon, St. Marie, de la Perelle, officers of the garrison, met the missionary. They decided that they must have some pretext for sending a vessel, either the disavowal of the Indian hostilities against the English or replacing a missionary. They decided that de Pensens, a favourite with the Acadians, and de la Perelle, who spoke English, should go on the Mutine (Captain de Courcey), which should be provisioned for bringing back the Acadians; but that if they could not make them come, or if opposition was offered, they should return. The Mutine started on the voyage, but, meeting heavy weather and contrary winds, returned to Louisbourg without having reached Annapolis.

In August of the following year (1716) de la Marche left Port Dauphin, where he was established, and visited Acadia, returning in September. He says that the Acadians were not to blame for not coming, and acknowledges that they were no longer in the mood to come, while Costebelle had made up his mind that they would remain where they were. The authorities wrote to the Minister that the Acadians were to take an oath that the Anglican Church was the only true one, that the Virgin was a woman like any other, that the Pretender was a bastard, and that they would be faithful to the new King ; but this fable, possibly because it was a fable, moved neither the Acadians to leave nor the Ministry to come to their aid ...

These are the first of many incidents which mark the care of the French officials to avoid giving offence to the English. Their attitude was defensive ; the instructions sent out to them were to avoid quarrels and not to resent aggressions. The only firm note in many years is La Ronde's letter to Nicholson, in which he states that the King intends to maintain the rights accorded to the Acadians by Queen Anne, the outcome of his preference for the grand manner rather than of the instructions given to him. The garrison of Annapolis, weaker than that of Louisbourg, was powerless to prevent the Acadians removing. They were entitled to leave; the question of time had not been settled, and, had the policy of France been aggressive or a pacific one administered by strong men, the sending of ships for the Acadians could have been defended as entirely justifiable. But when we take up later in this chapter the conditions in France, the causes of many things which happened in Louisbourg will be made clear.

The efforts of the French to prevent the Indians of Acadia from acknowledging the sovereignty of England had been successful, and they had largely moved to Antigonish, nearer Isle Royale, without makin or any settlement ...

The fishing had been good on the whole, especially at Port Toulouse and Port Dauphin. Sixty-four vessels had come out from France, which had three hundred and eight boats in all. The prediction that the vicissitudes of 1715 would tell on the industry the following year was justified by the results, for in 1716 only twenty vessels came from France. The situation was so bad that St. Ovide wrote that he feared that the pirates who infested these waters, knowing the unprotected condition of the town, might attack it after the King's ships had left ...(64)

... At Port Toulouse they were almost without bread, many of their cattle had died from lack of fodder, and two shipwrecks on Isle Madame had added to the miseries of their situation ...

... L'Hermitte also made some plans of Louisbourg and Port Toulouse and in the autumn returned to Paris. Beaucours, who succeeded him, was apparently not more satisfactory as an engineer, and his estimates, like those of L'Hermitte, were considered excessive. He was moved from headquarters at Port Dauphin to Port Toulouse as major, and the Sieur Verville was sent out from France as engineer in charge of the fortifications. The instructions given to him were to examine the places, to fortify Louisbourg against a sudden attack until the works at Port Dauphin were completed, to prepare complete plans and estimates of cost for the three places, and before returning to France to leave instructions for the preparation of materials. He was advised not to forget that it is not necessary to fortify on so large a scale in the colonies as in Europe ...

He [Verville] thought, for example, that the environs of Louisbourg would supply firewood for the town and garrison for a century, and yet within a few years we find the greater part of this supply brought from places as distant as Port Toulouse. But the difficulty of ascertaining the resources of an unknown and heavily wooded country is shown by their considering the value of the discovery of limestone at Canso of sufficient importance to merit a gratuity; ... by their establishing a brickyard at Port Toulouse ..

The Council of the Navy had promised, after the disastrous winter of 1716, that such conditions would not be permitted to occur again; but after a famine in 1717 so bad that the troops at Port Toulouse were, in the spring, reduced to bread and water, ... in 1718 conditions were again so desperate, there being in the colony only two hundredweight of bread for four thousand people, that after contemplating sending the entire garrison back to France or Acadia ...

At last the question of the chief establishment of the colony was to be permanently settled. St. Ovide had been much impressed by the advantages of Port Toulouse on his tour through the island, thus confirming the good opinion it had made on him in 1714, and now recommended it warmly to the Council, and asked them to hear Rouville, who was in France, and to appoint a commission to make a report on the matter ...

This suggestion was supported by two petitions. One, which described Louisbourg as a bottomless pit for funds, was signed by officials; the other by the principal inhabitants. The latter stated that so soon after coming from Placentia and other places, they were unable to bear the expense of a second moving, but if the King would pay the actual cost, they would gladly go to Port Toulouse, and leave behind the tavern-keepers, who made up two-thirds of the population of Louisbourg ...(65)

The standard form of the "véhicule à la foix" was an annual giving of presents of practical utility to the Indians. These presents were dependent in amount on the number of warriors in the tribe, and consisted of powder, lead, flints, and axes. The occasion of the distribution was an important one for conference, and in the earlier years took place frequently at St. Peter's, but on at least one occasion St. Ovide contemplated going to Antigonish on the mainland of Nova Scotia, but was deterred by the not unreasonable objections which might be made by Phillips .... (66)

An analysis of the guards made in 1741, after the troops had been increased by 80, shows how they were disposed:

Guards and Reliefs -

Citadel, King's Bastion ...  94
Queen's Bastion ...  94
Port Dauphin Gate ... 76
Maurepas Gate ...  76
Store-house, Treasury ... ...
Hospital Battery ...   103
Artillerymen ...   16
In Hospital ...  20
Royal Battery ...   70
Island Battery ...  10
At Port Dauphin ... 25
At Port Toulouse ...  26
Isle St. Jean ...  41

A total of 651, while the whole force was 710 ....

... The new England vessels brought mostly tar, pitch, and planks, and in return bought rum and molasses, for which there would be an inadequate outlet if it were not for this trade. He informed the Minister that Sieur Lagarande, the richest and most charitable merchant of Ingonish, was concerned in this contraband trade, but that the principal place where it took place was at Petit de Grat. This could easily have been prevented by efficiency on the part of the officer at Port Toulouse, Du BoisBerthelot. A boat to watch this commerce which was carried on with Canso should be kept, but that unless manned and officered from a man-of-war, it would be useless ..(67)

A projected attack on St. Peter's, about eighteen miles across the Bay, was deferred, but the expedition to cut off the vessels with provisions believed to be at Bale Verte was sent out ...(68)

PEPPERRELL had many causes for anxiety. His stores were inadequate, and many of the small arms were in bad order. Rioting had taken place at Canso, so he had to find, and did find, that middle way between a severity to which his levies would not submit, and a laxity perilous to the success of the expedition. The detachment which was sent against St. Peter's had acted without dash, to which party returned without success, not having carefully conformed to their orders, for landing in whale boats by night, and finding there several vessels, which though of no force, yet well manned for trade, and a number of Indians being alarmed ; their whole force appeared so considerable, that our party did not think it safe to land." ...

... He [Du Chambon] ordered Benoit in command at Port Toulouse (St. Peter's) to ascertain what was going on. The latter sent out a civilian, an Indian, and a soldier, who captured four of the enemy. These in turn overpowered their captors, and brought the Frenchmen in as prisoners, the Indian having escaped ...

... Le Loutre's Indians, who flocked to l'Ile Royale after the [1755] fall of Beauséjour, where they had been so bountifully supplied, were a source of trouble, and an additional drain on the inadequate store of provisions at Drucour's disposal. He speaks several times of their misery. He intended to use them and the Acadians in the foray against Halifax. Boishébert had been in command of this force (280 men) which had remained in Port Toulouse all summer[1757] ... (69)

The garrisons of Port Toulouse and Port Dauphin were brought in on the 7th [of May], and Drucour for the first time this spring had authentic news ...(70)

... News had come in on the 23rd [of June], that Boishébert, the most famous of Indian leaders, had arrived at Port Toulouse, and from him and his forces much was expected. The Minister had sent to Drucour the Cross of St. Louis, to present to Boishébert, as a reward for his distinguished services, but he was a dreary and astonishing failure. He who, as a lad, had performed amazing feats of endurance and leadership, had driven back the New England forces at the St. John River, was useless at Louisbourg ...(71)


... The traditional division of French society into nobility, clergy and "the third estate" finds its rough parallel in Louisbourg's administrators, churchmen and the rest of the population. This organization is deceptively simple and tells little about that society. Where, for example, do the high-ranking military officials fit-the commandants at Port Toulouse, Port Dauphin or Isle St. Jean?......At Isle St Jean, Port Toulouse and Port Dauphin, a military captain performed duties roughly comparable to those of the governor. A subdelegate of the Ordonnateur performed his superior's function, though he was often not in residence ... Other cases reveal de Pensens, the commandant at Port Toulouse, illegally en gaging in the fishery, and Duvivier, an infantry captain, coming into conflict with fishermen for the same reason ..(72)

... The widow Paris likely agreed to this arrangement since she was intending to marry Dominique Colongue, the surgeon at Port Toulouse, where they eventually lived. She married Colongue 21 March 1732, four months after her husband died; seven months later they had their first child ... Their first residence was in the Paris Fauxbourg property, which Bernard Paris, now emancipated, rented to them on behalf of the heirs from the first Family, for six years, beginning in 1733 ... Dominique Colongue was born in Galan, Auch, and moved to Louisbourg in 1730; he was born around 1704, making him 28 when he married the older widow Paris. The couple moved to Port Toulouse in 1734. He was dead by 1740 ... The widow Paris bore Colongue two children and died in 1753 at Port Toulouse ...Genevieve [Paris] died unmarried at the age of 22 ..., but her sister, Marie Gervaise, married Gabriel Barbadeau, a surgeon first at Port Toulouse and later at Isle St, Jean, in September 1743 ... In 1734 the widow Paris, Magdelaine Ferret, moved to Port Toulouse with her husband, presumably accompanied by her own children ... It is uncertain if the house was rented in 1733, but it was remodelled, and in 1734 Jean Seigneur, acting on behalf of Dominique Colongue, now at Port Toulouse, rented the property to Nicholas Deschamps, an aubergiste, for three years beginning in December ... After the English occupation of Louisbourg, Magdelaine Ferret, still living at Port Toulouse, again rented the [Louisbourg] property to Perrine Bonnu, the wife of Jean Barré who was probably at sea at the time. Though the official transaction took place 28 May 1751 and was to extend for seven years and four months, the couple had rented the house since 28 July 1749 without notarial sanction ...(73)

... [Gabriel Rousseau De Villejouin] ... served on the Superior Council and at Port Toulouse in 1717, but was back in Louisbourg by the end of the year ......(74)

... The first son of her marriage to De Villejouin was Gabriel Rousseau de Villejouin fils born in 1703. He had a successful career rising in the ranks from enseigne en second in 1723 to captain and in charge of Port Toulouse in 1738. ln 1750 he was commandant there. By 1754 he was major at Ile St. Jean and was there until at least 1756 ....(75)

... Jean Richard was born in 1701 in Granville in the diocese of Coutance, Normandy. He came to Port Toulouse, perhaps via Acadia, and in the 1726 census is listed as a navigateur ... By that time he was married to Marie-Magdeleine Samson and had a son and daughter ... Richard moved to Louisbourg by 1729 ..(76)

... Gabriel Dangeac père was from Saintonge and served, probably as a child, in the French navy as early as 1685. He served as a cadet in Canada for nine years until 1696 when he became an enseigne in St. Ovide de Brouillan's company in Plaisance. During, that time he spent six years as aide-major. In 1714 he and his garrison evacuated Plaisance for Louisbourg where he served as lieutenant until 1716 ...As a member of De Villejouin's company he was stationed at Port Toulouse, receiving his captaincy when De Villejouin died .... He was transferred to Louisbourg with his company of 41 men by 1720 and finally, after 21 years, he was allowed to go home on a furlough ...]..(77)

... Only two families ever owned Lot D: those of Jacques de Pensens and Michel LeNeuf de la Vallière fils. Both men were captains, both commanded at Port Toulouse and at Ile St. Jean, and both represented powerful families in Louisbourg ... . By 1715 Acadians, as well as other settlers, were arriving at Port Toulouse, and De Pensens, now a captain, was sent with 40 men as commander of the settlement ... He carried out negotiations for the removal of Acadians to Isle Royale throughout the summer and fall of 1715, and dealt with their problems throughout his command at Port Toulouse. In 1718 he was appointed captain and agent for the Trésorier de la Marine at Port Toulouse and to the colony's Superior Council in 1719 ... In November of the same year he was appointed aide-major in place of the Comte d'Agrain who had left for France ... In the fall of 1720 he went to Petit de Grat to study Indian problems ... and then sailed to Canseau (Canso) to squelch the feuding between English and French fishermen there ... In 1723 we see the first of De Pensens' requests for furlough due to ill health. This coincided with plans to send him to Ile St. Jean, which had been abandoned by the Compte St. Pierre who, in 1719, had been granted the islands of St. Jean, Magdelaine and Miscou ... In 1724 he was in France ... but came back to Isle Royale the following year ... He returned to Port Toulouse, but in 1725 he received orders to go to Ile St. Jean the following spring ... He was absent during almost the whole year of 1727 having discussions with the English lieutenant-governor of Canseau, Lawrence Armstrong ... and in distributing gifts to the Indians at Port Toulouse .... Though he was placated with an addition of 15 troops in 1728 he was still not made a lieutenant du Roi since Maurepas feared that this might anger the English [NOTE 315] ...From the outline of his career it is plain to see that Jacques de Pensens occupied key positions in Isle Royale, mainly outside of Louisbourg. Though he was important in the establishment of Louisbourg and Port Toulouse, he, more than anyone else, laid the foundation of the French presence in Ile St. Jean ... (78)

... He [Jean Despiet chevalier de Pensens] served in his uncle's company at Port Toulouse, but mainly on Ile St. Jean, and like his uncle, remained a bachelor ...

... [Michel LeNeuf De la Vallière fils] served under De Pensens at Port Toulouse. Both men were greatly trusted by the Micmac Indians and the Acadians of the colony, and De la Vallière in particular was highly praised by his superiors in Canada, Plaisance and Isle Royale ... [He] came to Isle Royale in 1714 ...Within a year he was sent as lieutenant with 25 soldiers to organize the settlement at Port Toulouse .... As a reward for his endeavours he was appointed aide-major in 1720 ... Over the next decade De la Vallière served at Port Toulouse, dealing with the Indians and filling in for Jacques de Pensens during his frequent absences; in effect he was commandant at Port Toulouse until his death,, except between 1728 and 1731 when he replaced De Pensens as commandant at Ile St. Jean .... De la Vallière's service was recognized by his appointment as captain 15 March 1723, commandant at Port Toulouse in 1727, and major in 1737. He received the Cross of St. Louis in 1731 .... The only complaints lodged against him were by Acadians who resented his interference in their trade; the complaints were dismissed by all high ranking officials after careful inquiries .... The faithful and energetic major died 11 October 1740 at Fort Toulouse, but was buried at Louisbourg ... By 1739 De la Vallière had seven boys and was seeking appointments for them in other colonies ...

... Louis LeNeuf de la Vallière, the eldest son of Michel was born around 1708 ... at Plaisance. He was listed as a cadet in 1720 and an enseigne en second in 1730 .... He was stationed with his father at Port Toulouse and in 1732 distinguished himself with a small group who captured an English ship there ... In 1736 he rose to the level of enseigne en pied; then he made an admirable connection when he married Charlotte Rousseau de Souvigny, daughter of Pierre Rousseau de Souvigny, captain of the Compagnies Franche de la Marine and chevalier of the order of St. Louis. Within a year he took brief command at Port Toulouse in the absence of his father ...(79)


... A second item of somewhat tenuous relevance concerns the specification drawn up in 1733 for a fortified position at Port Toulouse, which states in part: Tous les bastiments et batterie Seront entours de palissades, plantés et dressées Suivant le plan général, et au pourtour exterieur de cette cloture, il sera fait un fossé pour recevoir les eaux de la montagne. [All the buildings and battery are to be surrounded by palisades, planted and set up following the general plan, and in the outside perimeter of this fence there will be built a trench to receive the runoff from the mountain"] ... In this case the "mountain" refers to higher ground in the vicinity of the camp, and the digging of a drainage trench around a campsite is a logical precaution to prevent the flooding of the site. (G) CONCLUSIONS: Of all the information presently available, only the data on the provisions storehouse drain allows specific suggestions as to size, construction, and other details. There is somewhat more material on military latrine drains than for private drains, which allows little speculation on the latter's nature. No other conclusions are possible at this stage. (80)


.. En 1714, il [Charles-Joseph D'Ailleboust] est transféré à l'Isle Royale où il se familiarise avec la routine de garnison, tant à Port Toulouse ... En 1749 et 1750, il commande à Port Toulouse ... mais sa santé et des difficultés à maintenir la discipline des soldats l'obligent à quitter ce poste et à passer en France.(81)




  • 1714 - 6
  • ND - 277 (1714)
  • ND - 278 (1714)
  • ND - 191 (1715)
  • 1716 - 6
  • 1717 - 4
  • 1717 - 4A
  • ND - 122 (1717)
  • ND - 148 (1717)
  • 1718 - 5
  • 1718 - 5A
  • 1723 - 5
  • 1731 - 6
  • 1731 - 7
  • 1733 - 10
  • 1733 - 10A
  • 1733 - 11
  • 1733 - 11A
  • 1733 - 12
  • 1733 - 12A
  • 1733 - 13
  • ND - 126 (1733)
  • ND - 187 (Before 1734)
  • 1734 - 9
  • 1734 - 9A
  • 1734 - 9B
  • 1750 - 3
  • 1751 - 36
  • 1751 - 38
  • 1751 - 38A
  • 1751 - 49
  • 1752 - 3
  • 1777 - 2
  • 1779 - 5


  • 1713 - 1
  • 1714 - 3
  • 1714 - 4
  • 1714 - 4A
  • 1714 - 6
  • ND - ? (1714)
  • ND - 191 (1715)
  • 1716 - 1
  • 1716 - 4
  • 1716 - 5
  • 1716 - 6
  • 1717 - 4
  • 1717 - 4A
  • 1717 - 6
  • ND - 122 (1717)
  • ND - 148 (1717)
  • 1718 - 5
  • 1718 - 5A
  • 1723 - 5
  • ND - 72 (1725-1730)
  • ND - 71 (1725-1745)
  • ND - 73 (1725-1745)
  • ND - 74 (1725-1745)
  • ND - 112 (1725-1745)
  • ND - 114 (1725-1745)
  • 1731 - 6
  • 1731 - 7
  • 1732 - 6
  • 1733 - 10
  • 1733 - 10A
  • 1733 - 11
  • 1733 - 11A
  • 1733 - 12
  • 1733 - 12A
  • 1733 - 13
  • ND - 126 (1733)
  • ND - 187 (Before 1734)
  • 1734 - 9
  • 1734 - 9A
  • 1734 - 9B
  • ND - 90 (1735-1745)
  • 1742 - 4
  • 1744-3
  • 1744-4
  • 1744-5A
  • 1745-5
  • 1745-5A
  • 1746-9
  • 1746-14
  • ND - 146 [1749 - 1758]
  • 1750 - 3
  • ND - 186 [1750]
  • 1751-3
  • 1751-3A
  • 1751 - 36
  • 1751 - 38
  • 1751 - 38A
  • 1751 - 49
  • ND - 165 [1751]
  • ND - 166 [1751]
  • 1752 - 3
  • 1752 - 7
  • 1755 - 7
  • 1757 - 3
  • 1758 - 6
  • 1758 - 12D
  • 1760 - 2
  • ND - 100 (1760)
  • ND - 70 (1764)
  • 1767 - 2
  • 1768 - 2
  • 1777 - 2
  • 1779 - 3
  • 1779 - 5
  • 1786 - 1
  • ND - 102 (1790)
  • ND - 103 (1790)
  • 1827 - 2
  • 1860 - 1



1. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg, The Archives, RB 417 01.

2. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1974), pp. 05-06 [Author: H. Paul Thibault].

3. A.J.B. Johnston, Officers of Isle Royale (1744) - Accommodations and Biographical Summaries (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H E 12, 1978), Officers (1744) - Biographical Summaries.

4. A.J.B. Johnston, Officers of Isle Royale (1744) - Accommodations and Biographical Summaries (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H E 12, 1978) - Biographical Summaries.

5. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1701 - 1740, Volume 02 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969), p. 154 [Author: F.J. Thorpe].

6. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press ,1974), pp. 173-174 [Author: Barbara Riley].

7. Kenneth Donovan, Jean Francois Cressonet Dit Beauséjour and Marguerite Dugast and Their Property in Block 3, Lot B, 1713-1745 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript HD-34, February 14, 1995).

8. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), pp. 189-192 [Author: C. J. Russ].

9. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1701 - 1740, Volume 02 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969), pp. 218-220 [Author: Mary McD. Maude].

10. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), pp.235-236 [Author: H. P. Thibault].

11. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), pp. 648-650 [Author: F.J. Thorpe].

12. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1701 - 1740., Volume 02 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1969), pp. 284 -286.

13. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1701 - 1740, Volume 02 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1969), pp. 336.

14. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1701 - 1740, Volume 02 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969), p. 339 [Author: Gabriel-M-Réal Dumas].

15. A.J.B. Johnston, Officers of Isle Royale (1744) - Accommodations and Biographical Summaries (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H E 12, 1978) - Biographical Summaries.

16. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1701 - 1740, Volume 02 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969), pp. 411-412 [Author: J Roger-Comeau].

17. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974. pp. 451-452 [Author: T.J.A. LeGoff].

18. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), pp. 454-456 [Author: Bernard Pothier].

19. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1974), pp. 474-476.

20. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), p. 516 [Author: Byron Fairchild].

21. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), pp. 505-509 [Author: Byron Fairchild].

22. A.J.B. Johnston, Officers of Isle Royale (1744) - Accommodations and Biographical Summaries (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H E 12, 1978) - Biographical Summaries.

23. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1701 - 1740, Volume 02 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969), pp. 611-612 [Author: In Collaboration].

24. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974. pp. 615-616 [Author: Andrew Rodger].

25. A.J.B. Johnston, Officers of Isle Royale (1744) - Accommodations and Biographical Summaries (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H E 12, 1978), Officers (1744) - Biographical Summaries.

26. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1741 - 1770, Volume 03 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974. pp. 643-646 [Author: J. F. Thorpe].

27. Dictionary of Canadian Biography 1701 - 1740, Volume 02 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969), pp. 648-650 [Author: F.J. Thorpe].

28. Blaine Adams, "Piquets" Houses," Christian Pouyez, Editor, in Historians, Preliminary Architectural Studies, Volume 01 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript HG-02, 1972).

29. Raymond F. Baker, "A Campaign of Amateurs: The Siege of Louisbourg, 1745," in Canadian Historic Sites: Occasional Papers, Volume 18 (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1978).

30. Raymond F. Baker, "A Campaign of Amateurs: The Siege of Louisbourg, 1745," in Canadian Historic Sites: Occasional Papers, Volume 18 (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1978).

31. Donald F. Chard, "The Price and Profits of Accommodation: Massachusetts - Louisbourg Trade, 1713-1744," in Eric Krause, Carol Corbin, William A. O'Shea, Aspects of Louisbourg (Sydney: The Louisbourg Institute, 1995).

32. Brenda Dunn, "Private Masonry Buildings," Christian Pouyez, Editor, In Historians, Preliminary Architectural Studies, Volume 01 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript HG-02, 1972).

33. Brenda Dunn, The Private Properties in Block 2, Louisbourg (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 17 R, 1971 - Revised 1978).

34. Brenda Dunn, The Private Properties in Block 2, Louisbourg, (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 17 R, 1971 - Revised 1978).

35. Margaret Fortier, " The Development of the Fortifications at Louisbourg," Canada: An Historical Magazine, 1: 4 (June, 1974), pp. 16 - 31.

36. Bruce W. Fry, " 'An appearance of strength' The Fortifications Of Louisbourg," in Eric Krause, Carol Corbin, William A. O'Shea, Aspects of Louisbourg (Sydney: The Louisbourg Institute, 1995).

37. Allan Greer, "Mutiny at Louisbourg, December 1744," in Eric Krause, Carol Corbin, William A. O'Shea, Aspects of Louisbourg (Sydney: The Louisbourg Institute, 1995).

38. Greer, "Another Soldiers' Revolt in Ile Royale, June 1750," in Eric Krause, Carol Corbin, William A. O'Shea, Aspects of Louisbourg (Sydney: The Louisbourg Institute, 1995).

39. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg Archives, Bound Binders Series, B 257 481 - 492, Historical Information and Investigation, April 02, 1976, Eric Krause to Bob Passfield.

40. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg Archives, Bound Binders Series, B 261 1805, Historical Information and Investigation, March 22, 1980, Mrs. A. Katherine Robertson to Terrance MacLean.

41. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg Archives, Bound Binders Series, B 261 1995 - 1996 - 1996v, Historical Information and Investigation, December 05, 1980, Harvey A. Mac Ewin to Eric Krause.

42. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg Archives, Bound Binders Series, B 261 1998, Historical Information and Investigation, December 10, 1980, Eric Krause to Mr. Harvey A. MacEwen.

43. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg Archives, Bound Binders Series, B 262 2401v, Historical Information and Investigation, December 21, 1982, Mr. David Lloyd Samson to Fortress of Louisbourg.

44. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg Archives, Bound Binders Series, B 264 2480 - 2482, Historical Information and Investigation, January 29, 1983, David Lyoyd Samson to Eric Krause.

45. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg Archives, Bound Binders Series, B 264 2486, Historical Information and Investigation, February 07, 1983, Eric Krause to David Lloyd Samson.

46. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg Archives, Bound Binders Series, B 264 2495 - 2503, Historical Information and Investigation, February 24, 1983, David Lloyd Samson to Eric Krause.

47. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg Archives, Bound Binders Series, B 264 2562 - 2563, Historical Information and Investigation, May 27, 1983, Harvey A. MacEwen to Eric Krause.

48. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg Archives, Bound Binders Series, B 264 2648 - 2649, Historical Information and Investigation. June 13, 1984, David Lloyd Samson to Eric Krause.

49. Canada, Fortress of Louisbourg Archives, Bound Binders Series, B 264 2716, Historical Information and Investigation, May 29, 1985, David Lloyd Samson to Eric Krause.

50. Linda Hoad, "Clotures Et Barrieres: Fences and Gates" in Historians, Preliminary Architectural Studies, Volume 04 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H G 02, 1972).

51. A.J.B. Johnston, Officers of Isle Royale (1744) - Accommodations and Biographical Summaries (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript, H E 12, 1978) - Accommodation.

52. A.J.B. Johnston, The Summer of 1744: A Portrait of Life in 18th-Century Louisbourg (Ottawa: National Sites, Parks Service, Environment Canada. 1991) - June: The War: A New Phase.

53. A.J.B. Johnston, The Summer of 1744: A Portrait of Life in 18th-Century Louisbourg (Ottawa: National Sites, Parks Service, Environment Canada. 1991) - July: The War - First Setbacks, Fresh Hopes.

54. A.J.B. Johnston, The Summer of 1744: A Portrait of Life in 18th-Century Louisbourg (Ottawa: National Sites, Parks Service, Environment Canada. 1991) - August: The War - Advance on Acadia, Hemmed in at Home.

55. A.J.B. Johnston, The Summer of 1744: A Portrait of Life in 18th-Century Louisbourg (Ottawa: National Sites, Parks Service, Environment Canada. 1991) - Appendix: 1744 - A Calendar of Events.

56. A.J.B. Johnston, "From port de pêche to ville fortifiée: The Evolution of Urban Louisbourg, 1713-1758," in Eric Krause, Carol Corbin, William A. O'Shea, Aspects of Louisbourg (Sydney: The Louisbourg Institute, 1995).

57. A.J.B. Johnston, " The Fishermen of Eighteenth-Century Cape Breton: Numbers and Origins, in Eric Krause, Carol Corbin, William A. O'Shea, Aspects of Louisbourg (Sydney: The Louisbourg Institute, 1995).

58. [A.J.B. Johnston], A Louisbourg Primer. An Introductory Manual for Staff At the Fortress of Louisbourg National Historic Site (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript 0 C 21, Revised March 1991).

59. [A.J.B. Johnston], A Louisbourg Primer. An Introductory Manual for Staff At the Fortress of Louisbourg National Historic Site (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript 0 C 21 R, Revised March 1991).

60. Eric Krause. Domestic Building Construction At the Fortress of Louisbourg: 1713 - 1758 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H G 10 - Draft, 1996).

61. Terrence D. Maclean, A History of Block 4, Louisbourg 1713-1768 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 24, January, 1974).

62. Terrence D. Maclean, A History of Block 4, Louisbourg 1713 - 1768 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 24, January, 1974).

63. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg: From Its Foundation To Its Fall (Sydney: Fortress Press, 1969), Chapter 01.

64. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg: From Its Foundation To Its Fall (Sydney: Fortress Press, 1969), Chapter 02.

65. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg: From Its Foundation To Its Fall (Sydney: Fortress Press, 1969), Chapter 03.

66. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg: From Its Foundation To Its Fall (Sydney: Fortress Press, 1969), Chapter 04

67. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg: From Its Foundation To Its Fall (Sydney: Fortress Press, 1969), Chapter 07.

68. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg: From Its Foundation To Its Fall (Sydney: Fortress Press, 1969), Chapter 09.

69. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg: From Its Foundation To Its Fall (Sydney: Fortress Press, 1969), Chapter 12.

70. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg: From Its Foundation To Its Fall (Sydney: Fortress Press, 1969), Chapter 13.

71. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg: From Its Foundation To Its Fall (Sydney: Fortress Press, 1969), Chapter 14.

72. Robert J. Morgan and Terrence D. MacLean, "Social Structure and Life in Louisbourg," Canada: An Historical Magazine 1:4 (June 1974), pp. 60 - 75.

73. Robert J. Morgan, A History of Block 16 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 25, 1975).

74. Robert J. Morgan, A History of Block 16 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 25, 1975).

75. Robert J. Morgan, A History of Block 16 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 25, 1975).

76. Robert J. Morgan, A History of Block 16 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 25, 1975.) - Jean Richard, navigateur, aubergiste, is not to be confused with Jean Richard, master mason., who lived in Block 38. This seems to have happened in Blaine Adams, Artisans At Louisbourg (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H F 20, 1972), p. 87, and Bernard Pothier, "Les Acadiens à L'Ile Royale (1713 à 1734)", 3: 3 La société Historique Acadienne (April, May, June, 1969), p. 100.

77. Robert J. Morgan, A History of Block 16 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 25, 1975).

78. Robert J. Morgan, A History of Block 16 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 25, 1975).

79. Robert J. Morgan, A History of Block 16 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 25, 1975).

80. Victor J.H. Suthren "Preliminary Report: Sinks and Drains," in Historians, Preliminary Architectural Studies, Volume 03 (For tress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H G 02, 1972).

81. H. P. Thibault, L'ilot 17 De Louisbourg, 1713 - 1768 (Fortress of Louisbourg, Unpublished Manuscript H D 20, 1972).